The Seattle General Strike 


Seattle General Strike 


Committee 


DUKE 
UNIVERSITY 


LIBRARY 


Phe: ye. | 

SEATTLE 
GENERAL 
STRIKE 


An account of what happened in Seattle, 
and especially in the Seattle Labor 
ean Movement, during the General Strike, 
se, | ra February 6 to 11, 1919 


Issued by the 


HISTORY COMMITTEE 


of the 


GENERAL STRIKE COMMITTEE 


THE SEATTLE UNION RECORD 
PUBLISHING CO., Inc. 


SEATTLE. WASH. 
EZ 2 


TABLE OF CONTENTS. 


Page 

IS TST RES REDE 9 cS Ol ls aR 
(ie Shipyard Strike. iy CES ai 8 
The Calling of the enshete Nested eaMeee ae ee ea nD 12 
Organizing for the Strike... USAR A eed 15 
The Question of City Tight ica tl Fa) | Re, 24 
On Thursday at 108. mu... ps etbiitobltye C2™ 27 
Deeiieisiake Called OF OS Co ide ch 
Goenstructive Activities £0... (vi \a lA Se os /40 
Meena the People oo ty Se ae ee 
Peereevineg the Peace 23.275 00 yen 45 
ewan Activities oo VN 52 
SUMREREIGCEM AGN) 2. See Nel fa i eee ee 57 
Monvor Lost?- 0 yo... Wi Rat k eae 58: 


+] 
HISTORY COMMITTEE. 


Chairman, MAY YOUNG, Waitresses. 


JOHN McKELVEY, Boilermakers, Shipbuilders 
and Helpers. ’ 


FRED NELSON, Boilermakers. 

J. N. BELANGER, Steamfitters. 
Secretary, SAM FRAZIER, Carpenters 131. - 
Historian, ANNA LOUISE STRONG. 


THE RADICAL, ROOK SHOP 
B57 Lierk St. 


GHICAGO, ~ . =_ILLINOIS 


46 


What scares them most is 
That NOTHING HAPPENS! 
They are ready » Not 
For DISTURBANCES. 
They have machine | guns 
And oN Seer i In the wore 
But this SMILING Rey Beloved O08 
Is uncanny. ny 3 
The p ih ess men % es), } 
Don’t ; jtinderst phe 2 
That sort of weapon. sy 10) 
It conies: ~ 2 Wall it 
‘From DIFFERENT: WORLD © ONE 
Than the world THEY live in. (It “is your 
It is teally funny 2 
And a bit pathetic 

To see how worried 

And MAD 

The business men are getting. 
What meetingsesthey hold, 
What WILD RUMORS 

They use A 

To keep themselves 
STIRRED UP. . 

Yet MOST of them 

Might be real pleasant 
HUMAN BEINGS 

Except that life 

Has separated them 

Too much from common folks. 
It is the SYSTEM 

Of industry 


Le 


: ast to. coast Katt the Dur that a revolu-  — 
imminent in Seattle. A General Strike had =~ 
nt called in sympathy with the shipvard' workers, _ ns 
one. knew hae would come of. At. Both before hse 


ee thidieering. appealing to ie as to 
nich flag they were under,’’ and if under the 
flag, to put down Bolshevism in their midst. / . 
opponents of organized labor hoped tb see 

r Movement of Seattle broken by the attempt _ 
a General Strike, and many old-timers in the . 
Tovement feared that this would indeed happen. . 
time the people of the city laid in supplies for 

pee Grocery stores sold enormous quantities ra 
Hardware stores ransacked their storehouses 
anded supplies of lamps, of the sort used by last 
’s resorters in beach camps, and sold them out 
bstantial advance in price. .A few of the wealthy 
were eoportt 3 in the press as ae Ore to 


ate outward turmoil in the city ‘of Seattle. Or- 

ry police court arrests sank below normal. Quiet 
throughout the city. “Even the ordinary meet- 
radical groups were voluntarily suspended lest 
an opportunity to some one to start trouble. 
“aS. 3 Mee Eh from a nearby town declared 


in scattered documents, in the p 
utes of the strike committees and r 
We do this because the General Strike 
to the workers of the United States. — 
occurred, we did not know how the w: 
“held in our hands would ‘‘go off.’’ 
gained an experience which we believ 
the Labor Movement of our country. 
In the uncertainty and tension ‘0 
occurred, when no one knew exactly 
of it, the statement that “‘this is no 
revolution’’ was first.made by the m 
It was the morning paper, the Post-Int 
first publicly announced the alleged ‘‘] 
acter of the strike, in a cartoon sho 
hoisted above the stars and stripes in 
tle. . aes hi 
To what extent Revolution was or 
minds of workers participating im * 
«discussed later, after the actual h 
strike have been madé clearer. Bu 
published in the Union Record (the offic 
of the Central Labor Council) ‘the d: 
strike, has been quoted in partial form f 
coast, as a sign of revolutionary intention 
here in full: . 


There will be many cheering, and 
who fear, ‘i 
Both these emotions are useful, 
either. a 
‘We are undertaking the most tre 
made by %:ABOR in this country, | 
lead—NO ONE KNOWS WHERE! 
We do mot need hysteria. Din 
We nee: the iron march of labor. — 
; ale ute 
LABOR WILL FEED THE PEOPLE. 
Twelve great kitchens have been 
them food will be distributed by the pri 
at low cost to all. — ii hia 


vat 

LABOR WILL CARE FOR THE BABIES: “AND 
Mh b THE SICK. 
ay The ‘milk: wagon vans, pee tits laundry drivers are 
“arranging plans for supplying milk to babies, invalids 
i and hospitals, and taking care of the cleaning of linen 
i ber hospitals. | 

LABOR WILL PRESERVE ORDER. 

The strike committee is arranging for guards, and 
Gt is expected that the stopping of whe ears will keep 
people at home. 


* % * 


A a hot-headed enthusiasts have complained that 
strikers only should be fed, and the geseral public left 
to endure severe discomfort. Aside from the inhuman- 

_itarian character of such suggestions, let- them get this 

straight— 
NOT THE WITHDRAWAL OF LABOR POWER, 
BUT THE POWER OF THE STRIKERS TO MANAGE 

WILL WIN THIS STRIKE. ¥ 
What does Mr. Piez of the Shipping Board care about 
/ the closing down of Seattle’s shipyards, or even of all 
_ the industries of the northwest? Will it not merely 

z strengthen the yards at Hog Island, in which he is 
-- more interested? 

_ When the shipyard owners of Seattle were on the 
point of agreeing with the workers, it was Mr. Piez who 
ke meen them that, if they so agreed— 
HE WOULD NOT LET THEM HAVE STEEL. 
_ Whether this is camouflage we have no means of 
knowing. But we:do know that the great eastern com- 
binations of capitalists COULD AFFORD to offer pri- 
_vately to Mr. Skinner, Mr. Ames and Mr. Duthie a few 
eens apiece in eastern shipyard stock, 
RATHER THAN LET THE WORKERS WIN. 
The closing down of Seattle’s industries, as a MERE 
SHUTDOWN, will not affect these eastern gentlemen 
much. They could let the whole northwest go to pieces, 
as far as money alone is concerned. 

“BUT, ‘the closing down of the capitalistically con- 

- trolled industries of Seattle, while the WORKERS OR- 
_ GANIZE to feed the people, to care for the babies and 
the sick, to preserve order—THIS will move them, for 


Pi seats 


the workers. — 


Labor will not only SHUT DOWN 
Labor will REOPEN, under the man: 
propriate trades, such activities as 
serve public.health and public peace. © 
tinues, Labor may feel led to avoid pu 
reopening more and more activities, 

UNDER ITS OWN MANAGEME 

And that is why we say that we 
road that leads—NO ONE KNOWS 


This editorial was perhaps more 
preted than any statement made 
The Post-Intelligencer published it ) 
as an editorial which had appeared in th 
and made no further comment. Anc 
is needless, since each man will inte 
to his own intentions. 

It might be mentioned, however at tl 
was submitted, as were all matters 
to the members of the Conferene 
Metal Trades, before it was publish 
time when it was being held alo 
revolution, by the capitalist press o 


moil, a suggestion of some truly 
ment that might come out of the 

For the mood of Labor, as the Ge 
near, was one of deep seriousness. 
they were facing a situation as yet 
did not know what would result | 
bad, for the City of Seattle and mas! 
in that city. 

What did come ont of it, as i ai 
proceeds, was precisely what was h 
editorial_—‘‘more and more activities | 
agement of labor.’’ The stimulus to 
prise and to the enthusiastic wor 
unions was the most important, per 
structive result of the General Strike. 


Gy y 


ies fy Ys 
& f fs io the twee ‘Anise’ verses printed as an happen 
jikees 9 this book, and ae to an core! published in the 


; caetainy Revolution 

ae “We are growing tired of explaining that we DIDN’T 
i ‘mean this and that; we are weary of seeming to take 
the negative, explanatory attitude in connection with 


meaning to our lives. We want to tell, in positive 
words, the glorious thing we DO mean. 

Tf by revolution is meaft violence, forcible taking 
over: of property, the killing or maiming of men, surely 
- no ‘group ‘of workers dreamed of such action. But if 
fy by) revolution i is meant that a Great Change is coming 
Pak over the face of the world, which will transform our 
method of carrying on industry, and will go deep into 
le very sources of our lives, to bring joy and freedom 
in place of heaviness and Seen tren. we do believe in 
‘such a Great Change and that our General Strike was 
one rer definite step pow ards it. 


ve lob about us Re and see a world of industrial 
unrest, of owners set over against workers, of strikes 
and lock- outs, of mutual suspicions. We see a world of 
stri and insecurity, ‘of unemployment, and hungry 
children. It is not a pleasant world to look upon. 
Surely no one desires that it shall continue in this most 
eeu unrest.. * * > °* ; 
We see but one way out. In place of two classes, 
ompeting , for the fruits of mdustry, there must be, 
ik “eventually ‘ONLY ONE CLASS sharing fairly the. good 
ings of the world. And this can only be done by 
E WORKERS LEARNING TO MANAGE. * * * 
When we saw, in our General Strike: 

‘he Milk Wagon Drivers consulting late into the 
oht over the task of supplying milk for the city’s 


AN eo ; 
1 ae The Provision Trades working twenty-four hours out 
- of the ae tour on the question of sas 30,000 
1 workers; 


wT 


faith of which we are proud, a faith which adds © 


ca oe 


shops; is 
The Blaaudttchs opening a pr fit : 
The Labor Guards facing, under 
the task of maintaining order Pas: 
method ; 
When we saw union after union s 
ished desires to the will of the G 
mittee: 
THEN WE REJOICED. 
For we knew that it was worth 
days’ pay apiece to get this educatio 
of management. Whatever strength 
selves, and whatever weakness, we 
learning the chime which it is NE 
know. *. * 
Some day, when the workers h 
age, they will BEGIN MANAGIN 
And we, the workers of Seattl 
midst of our General Strike, vag 
storm, a glimpse of what the fell 
day shall be. : 


* * * 


The General Strike in Seattle 
of some 35,000 shipyard workers 


The Seattle ein are on 


owners and ie Metal Trades Coun 
Council is composed of delegates f 
ferent craft unions, (seventeen a 
strike vote). These. separate un ons 


blanket-agreement is made at interva 
Trades Council for all the crafts comf 


war. 


In August 1917 the workers Waa’ 
lishing a uniform seale of wages for 


"ernment preventing them from raising wages without 


the Government’s consent. The Macy Board came out 
on the Coast to adjust the wages and instead of bring- 
ing about uniformity in the wage scale through their 


bs system of applying the increased cost of living to wages 


received that had been brought about by collective bar- 
_ gaining, applied the increase to the wages received the 
year before and owing to some of the crafts having been 


in a disorganized condition at that period and others 
' having been organized and in a position to maintain 


their standards, the application of the increase gave 
some crafts 60 cents per day more than they had re- 
quested and the great majority of basic ship yard 
trades 221% cents per day less than they were receiving 
in the other yards and shops. Making a difference of 
8216 cents per day between the crafts which created 
dissatisfaction from the very start. 

There was bitter opposition to this among the Seat- 
tle workers, who saw themselves deprived ‘of. advant- 
ages gained by long years of organization and struggle. 
But the International Officers of various crafts in- 
volved had signed the memorandum creating the Macy 
Board, and the men, while protesting, refrained from 
_ striking ‘for patriotic reasons, because of the war needs 
of the country. 

The Seattle workers maintained that according to 
the constitution of the various craft unions, the Inter- 
‘national Officers of the various crafts had no authority 
thus to bind their locals, without a referendum vote. 
This was felt all the more keenly as the local crafts 
had themselves given over their rights to the Metal: 
Trades: Council, in order that they might bargain for 
the entire industry at once, and they felt that power 
was wrongfully taken, from the instrument they had 
built for their own protection. 

For more than a year they continued work, though 
under. constant protest against the fairness of the 
agreement, to which they constantly stated they had 
not been a party. Appeal after appeal was made, with 
no result. While continuing at work, the Seattle ship- 
yard workers established world’s records in the build- 


~ ing of ships. So great was their efficiency that official 


_ records state that 26 1-4 per cent of all ships built for 


4 


the United States Shippine Rou 
built in Seattle alone. 

After the armistice was signed, 
failure to get relief through appeals, 
of the Metal Trades took a strike y 
According to the strong convictior 
unions, in voting on these matters 
count as one, no matter in which un 
cording to the constitution of the v 
organizations and the Metal Trades | 
American Federation of Labor, h 
counted by crafts, and requires a m 
represented in order to settle an is 


about as large as the other twen 
would have only one vote in twen 
ity of men in the yards might be 
way and the majority of craft 
other way. 

In this particular case, however, 1 
ed either way, was in favor of the 
seventeen craft unions declared 
according to its own constitution, 
required a two-thirds, in others a 
Of the remaining seven unions, one 
cure a majority vote for the strike, Oh 
majority of workers the desire for the s 
more noticeable, since it was pree 
unions that the vote went strong for 

The vote was counted on Decen 
was announced and held by the 
to use whenever they decided thei 

Meantime attempts at negotiat 
Failing to secure satisfaction, on 
January 16, the strike was cafled to t 
following Tuesday morning. The Ta 
Council took the same action: . _ 

The demands of the men were $8.00 
chanies, $7.00 for specialists of semi 
$6.00 for helpers with a scale of, $ 

eight hours per day, forty-four hours 
demand, however, was not final insofar 
concerned and had there been a. co. 


aif 


10 


oaeciie all men in the yards in the same proportion 
if it. would have been necessary to resubmit the vote to | 


hse) the membership for acceptance or rejection. 


_ Many evidences point to the fact that it was the 
es. raise in pay for the lower-paid men which was most de- 
sired. Many of the skilled men were already getting 

_ more than the minimum asked under the new scale. 
aio ‘They were, however, strong in their advocacy of the 
strike on account of the condition of the laborers. It 


rr is stated, on many good authorities, that Seattle busi- 


ness-men, and especially Seattle landlords, had taken 
occasion to profiteer to a greater degree than in other 


' places along the coast, and that consequently the cost 
of living in Seattle had inereased far above that in 


Los Angeles and other California points, This bore 
hardest on the lower paid men. 

The Conference Committee which had conferred 
with the employers, reported that the yard owners 
were willing to grant an inerease to the skilled me- 


* ehanies but not to the lower paid helpers. The men 


stood together in their unwillingness to accept such 


an agreement, regarding this as a bribe to induce the 


skilled men to desert their brothers. 
_. The shipyard workers came out and the yards closed 


_ down, making no attempt whatever to run. 


Special reference must be made to the attitude of 


! Charles Piez, Director General of the Emergency. Fleet 


Corporation. During war. time, while ostensibly ad- 


* mitting the fight of the workers to bargain collectively 


with their employers, he informed the Seattle yard- 


owners that if they gave in to the demands of their 


workers, he would not let them have steel. 


a When the appellate board, which reviewed the de- 


Ne cision of the Macy Board, ended in a deadlock, Piez 
' told James Taylor president of the Metal Trades 


Council and local representative of the Seattle work- 
ers with the Macy Board, that the men were free to 


deal directly with their employ ers. He later confirmed 


this statement by telegram to Mr. Skinner of Skinner 
& ‘Eddy Corporation, ‘and in an interview to Mr. Ash- 


mun Brown, published in the Post-Intelligencer of 
MUP: dima ‘24th. 


il ae 


But when the Jard-oraers 3 an. 
‘at his word and entered into co! 
threatened the yard- owners, this t 
drawal of contracts, in ease they 
seale. aa 
This attitude bobined “hitouelbed 
a most perplexing manner one telegra 
stated that the yard-owners were fre 
own dealings with the men and that h 
to prevent them; another stated that 
tracts would be "denied any yards w: 
rate of wages; still another said that : 
concerned the government would not 
any raise in the war-time wages. 

Throughout the strike he seemed ce 
one point,—that he would have no de 
with the men until they had retruned 


SYMPATHETIC STRIKE AS& E 

The strike of the shipyard workers « 
day morning, January 21st. On the 
at the meeting of the Central Laboe 
gate body composed of representatr 
unions ‘in the eity, vigenpniic’s the 


Council and went out to the variou 
as they hold the final authority in case 
their members. On the following Sun 


and that this General Strike Commi 
ealled to meet on the following Sunday 

By the next Wednesday meeting 
Labor Council, so many unions had decelar 
tention to strike, that the puee ee 


} ary biihd. at 80 clock. This General Strike Commit- 
oe e, composed of delegates from 110 unions and from. - 
hs the Central Labor Council, held the ultimate authority 
on all strike matters during the time of the By pepavienic 
ae strike, ms 
SOME OF THE STRIKING UNIONS. 


ot Phe completeness with which the unions of Seattle 

voned for the General Strike came as a surprise to 

- many unionists. Union after union sacrificed cherished 

_ hopes, in order to “‘go out with the rest.’’ 

The Longshoremen’ s Union, in which, after many 

vicissitudes, the Truckers had at length combined with 

- the Riggers and Stevedores, had just put through a 

 elosed-shop agreement for the waterfront of Seattle, 

which was seriously imperiled and in fact, broken 
down, by their participation in the General Strike. 

vt The Street Car Men were 100 per cent organized, 

-  aiter a long and bitter fight which had included a 

_ street car strike. They were looking forward at last, 

after a year of waiting, to some fruit from their labors. 

Poorly paid, and with long hours, they expected a de- 
 eision to be handed down “from the Supreme Court of 
the State, and on the very day after the date set for 
the General Strike, which would assure them a sub- 
stantial advance in wages. All this seemed to them 
endangered. Yet a majority of them votel in favor of 
_ standing with the rest of labor. And although the 

‘Street Car Men were later. among the first unions to 

go back, at the orders of their executive committee 

and an international officer, yet even the most radical 
union men, knowing the pressure under which they 
labored, were inclined to urge: ‘‘Don’t be too hard 
VO those boys; they risked a great deal.”’ 
_ Many weak unions, knowing that they risked their 
jobs as individuals and their existence as unions, yet 
took. this chance and went out with the rest. Among 
‘these were the Hotel Maids, the Cereal and Flour Mill 

Workers, the Renton Car Builders. 

Over against these were the votes of old and con- 
‘servative unions, unused to indulging in sympathetic 
strikes or in ‘‘demonstrations.’’ The most unusual was 

ey nieas the vote of the Typographical Union, a union 


18) 


a eee npinebol ‘ob its: own jobs has 


i 


- strong that strikes have fallen into disuse 
ganization. Yet it gave a majority vo 
striking, although its strike was not al 
International, as it failed to ‘get the re 
fourths yote. tedien 1 

The Musicians’ Union, iiother con 
took two votes. It was almost 5 tol 
of the General Strike, but 6 to 1 nt fe 
with the rest of organized labor, 
decidéd to go out. In other words, it s 
ity even against its own preferences. ih 

The Carpenters’ Union, 131, an ol 

union, which has become one of the ‘ 
of the city, due to its ownership of a 
building, voted for the strike by amaj 
than 2 to 1.” ‘There was no one down 
ing us, either,?’ said one of the member: 
‘have stood for it. We took a secret ba 
to strike; and then we put our fate in 
Strike Committee and stuck till the en 

. The Teamsters’ strike is remarkable b 
great. pressure under which they labo 
that 800 calls came into their office 


not get any heat on account of the str 
sters. Many people realized for the fi 
union, which handles the transportati 


groups of Government Tianlavbol a 
Postoffice Department stated on the floor 
tral Labor Council that the regulations - 

they practically faced jail for striking ‘ 
first time, the Labor Movement in See 


14. 


| may: mean, not. greater freedom for the iranieera: but 
af ae rigidity of regulations, and less freedom for the 


eT ie aur deste nce the strike hohandis took ates: the 
ue eg ‘meetings of the General Strike Committee began. With 
_ their first session on Sunday, February 2, 1919, author- 
__ ity over the strike passed from the Central Labor Coun- 
- eil, which had sent out the call, and from the Metal 
ih ‘Brades Council which had Liskbed it, and was centered 
jn a committee of over 300 members, elected from 110 
- loeal unions and the Central Labor Council, for the 
express purpose of managing the strike. 
‘The first meeting was called to order at 8:35 in the 
Hie morning and continued in session until 9:35 that eve- 
ning, with short intermissions for meals. From this 
time on until the close of the strike, there were meet- 
ings daily and at almost all hours of day and night, of 
either this General Strike Committee, or of the Execu- 
tive Committee of Fifteen to which it delegated some 
Le yi) tis authority. The volume of business “transacted 
was tremendous; practically every aspect of the city’s 
~ life eame before the strike committee for some de- 
(y gfCISION., 
. A general strike was seen, almost at once, to differ 
(anes profomidty from any of the particular strikes with 
_ which the workers of Seattle were familiar. “t was 
= HOt: enough, as some of the hasty enthusiasts declared, 
to ‘‘just walk out.’’ The strikers were at once brought 
face to face with the way in which the whole commun- 
ity, including their own families, is inextricably tied 
together. If life was not to be made unbearable for 
_ the strikers themselves, problems of management, of 
} selection and exemption, had to take the place: of the 
ny sauch simpler problem of keeping everyone out of work. — 
‘The strikers had no quarrel with the city of Seattle 
its or with its inhabitants, of whom they themselves and 
5 their families comprised perhaps half. They had no 
‘ _ particular quarrel with the city government, and most 
of them took pride in the municipally owned light and 
water and garbage systems, the municipal car line and 
_ the public port. While they were doubtless deeply 


16 


touched by that spirit of unrest and desire for anew 


world which is sweeping the earth today, ney) had no — 


definite revolutionary intentions. 
Consequently the problems of what shanties ue done 
about the water supply, the lighting system, fhe hos- 


pitals, the babies’ milk supply, came before a commit- — 


tee of quiet working people whose stake in | 
things was as great as that of any persons in the city 
and who, while they intended to make a tremendous 
and solid demonstration of sympathy with their. -broth- 
ers in the shipyards, had at the same time no desire to 
wreck the city’s life. 

They realized that they were undertaking dombnera 
new in the American labor movement; they were not 
quite certain where it would lead; but. they felt them- 


selves strong enough to handle whatever problems © 


might arise. 
The Committee Organizes. 


To make the problem harder, the General Strike 
Committee was not, like the Central Labor Council, 
composed of delegates who had had experience in work. 
ing together. They were a new group, a very large 
and unwieldy mass of unacquainted individuals, npon 


whom, almost at once, great and momentous questions — 


descended. 

The quantity of business transacted and the. bettaes: 
like attention to many aspects of complicated questions, 
is shown in the minutes of the committee, and indi- 
cates a much higher level of efficiency and business-like 


methods that could normally be expected from such a — 


large governing group. 


The morning session of the first day was taken up. ; 
with passing on credentials. Highty unions, in addi- © 
tion to the 21 unions of the Metal Trades, presented © 


acceptable credentials at this meeting. A few other 
unions were added later, making 110 in all. 

All unions which had voted to strike, or whieh he- 
longed to a district council which was striking as a 


ona, were granted three delegates. A few of the 


officials of the labor movement were granted seats im 
the meeting by special vote. Several irregular ere- 
dentials were turned down. s 


16 


as “the first appearance of the ip table problem of the 
relation of the strike to the city authorities oceurred 


“when the Garbage Wagon Drivers asked for permis- 


sion to explain why they had voted against the strike. 


i They stated that Dr. McBride, the health commissioner 
‘of Seattle, had told them that they must take eare of 
_ hospitals ane sanitariums, subject to penalty under the 


law. They had not known whether the strike commit- 
tee would make any exemption in favor of these emer- 
geney needs, and so had voted not to strike. Later 
the Garbage Wagon Drivers’ delegates were seated 
and certain exemptions were made in the interests of 
health. 

Another fundamental problem which raised its head 
in this first meeting was the opposition of officers of 
international unions. The stereotypers stated that one | 
of their international officers was in the city and would 


_ probably try to foree them back to work. They wanted 
to know what support the unions of Seattle could give 


them in case their international officers supplied men 
to fill their places and otherwise disciplined them. The 
committee declared that the sympathetic strike would ° 
not be called off until the stereotypers were reinstated 
in any positions lost as the result of striking. 


_ The date on whieh the strike should be called came 


in for much discussion. It was finally decided to fix 
the followurg Thursday, February 6, at 10 a. m., and 
to ask Tacoma and Aberdeen to postpone the general 
strike, which they had ordered, until the time agreed on 
by Seattle. 

An executive committee of fifteen was next appointed 
to work with the metal trades committeesin formulat- 
ing a’plan of action, and to present this to the Central 


~ Labor Council on the following Wednesday evening. 


Almost at once other motions made this committee per- 
manent and instruc‘ed it to consider all questions of 
exemption that might arise in the handling of the 
strike. The decisions of this eommittee were at all 
times subject to appeal by the General Strike Commit- 
tee, but in practice, repeal was not found necessary. 
Committees on publicity, on finance and on tacties 


were also appointed, and many other minor matters 
_ of business were disposed of. A.nong these were the 


17 ; % 


« 
mi: 4 
forwarding of a oaktens ‘to wad 
manding the removal of Mr. Piez of the 
and the adoption of a resolution that 
mitteeman should reecive any salary ¢ 
Just at the close of the meeting 
suggested. ‘‘We have nothine to ‘ose 
and a whole world to ‘gain’? was eje¢ 
“Together We Win.’’ The unions of § 
elaring in favor of labor’s solidarity 
declaring in favor of the well kno 
class war. ¥ 
Executive Committee Orge 


Even while the first meeting of the 
Committee was going on, the newly ap 
tive Committee of Fifteen met and p 
ness. Brother Nauman, of the Hoisti 
elected chairman, and Brother Eg 
secretary. Three subcommittees 
consider exemptions from the general 
. der three main heads: Construction 

and Provisions. SRT ‘ 

Committees on miscellaneous exem 
ances and on general welfare were al: 

The Cooks Union reported at thi 
arrangements for feeding the stril 
were well under way. 

The exeeutive committee decided » 
ings. As a matter of fact, so many and 
were the matters brought before than 
themselves Sige teri to mee more 


On the following day, Monday, the e” 
teen met again. Before them came a 
the Firemen’s Local 21, whom they 


the firemen to stay on the job. This 
emption granted in the strike. It was 
many more. 


arrange for the necessary forms of pe 
to designate the autos and trucks. 
labor in carrying on the necessary 


18 


strike. Here agnie the necessity of exemption wae 
recognized. . 
C. R. Case, ewe of the department of streets of ba 


: ih city. of Seattle, was the first department head to appear 
_ before the committee to state city needs. He pointed 


out the fact that the watter supply of Queen Anne Hill 
and West Seattle depended on electrical help from the 
City Light and Power. He also stated that large quan- 
tities of food in cold storage wotld spoil if the power 
system did not run, and that without the street lights 
the city would be a prey to lawlessness and disorder 
and thuggery. He mentioned the needs of gas in hos- 
pitals and laboratories, and the need of transportation 


i for the various city institutions. 


The Committee of Fifteen realized what they were 
facing, if a strike were carried through without ex- 
emptions. They appointed a speciat hour on the follow- 
ing day at which they requested heads of city depart- 
“ments to appear and state their needs, and they ex- 
' pressed as the sense of the committee that they co- 
operate with these heads in every way possible. 


Organization of Laundry Workers, 
' One of the neatest little bits of team work between 


' four different organizations came up for approval at 


this first meeting of the executive committee of 15. The 
Laundry Drivers’ Union had at first voted not to strike, 
_ but later changed their vote. They had a great deal to 
lose in any strike, as they had built up laundry routes 
with much patience and the effort of many years. They 
were working under an agreement with the Laundry- 
men’s Club, the organization of laundry owners. 
_. There was also in Seattle a Mutual Laundry, owned 
by organized labor, and the question of its operation 


cr -eame to the fore. After consultation between the 


laundry drivers and inside laundry workers, it was pro- 
posed that hospital laundry only should be handled; 
that a certain number of wagons should be exempted 


and furnished with signs and permits to servé the hos- 


pitals; that one laundry should be agreed on as the 
one best qualified to handle hospital laundry and should 
be allowed to operate under a permit, with a sign, 

‘i “Hospital: Laundry Only, by Order of General Strike 
ih 19 


call te “ 


Comittee.’’ This laundry should ot 


The laundry workers served notice 
ers to take no more laundry, as it coul 
and then requested thé Committee of Fi 
them to work a few hours past the time 
of the strike, in order that the clothes 
plants should not mildew from dampn 

A note from the Laundry Owners Clu 
Washington Laundry as the one to be 
also submitted, together with the rest 
from the laundry drivers and laundry 
a well-thought out program, indicating 
ment with the entire laundry industry. 
cepted by the Committee of Fifteen. a 


The Problem of the Butc 


The meat cones “presented an. 
problem from that of the laundries. 
plete organization of the industry, they 
struggling union, organized in a few 
to gain an. entrance into some of the 
were controlled by representatives. of the 

If they should strike, and withdraw th 
the little shops, which had dealt fairl 
were they not penalizing their friends 
ing their enemies whose non-union 
running full blast? 


the Sst with meat through certain ( 
shops, demanding only that ‘the ve of 
be deducted from the cost of meat. 
‘strike of the meat cutters was incomple 
handicap they labored past ak 


the need -f a law sich order committe 
pressing, and the Committee of Fifte 


ement was. plgged in 'the iclow Roboga asking that 
labor union men who had seen service in the United 
tates army or navy come to a meeting to discuss ‘im- 
ortant strike work. This was the beginning of the 


famous Labor’s War Veteran Guards, who did such 
splendid service in preserving order during the sie 
ets Demands for Exemptions. 
Va Demands for exemptions came in thick and fast on 
Tuesday, now~that the strike was actually looming 
near. The proposed meeting with heads of city depart-. 
ments neyer came off, but requests from several public 
officials came in formally for exemptions. These were 
referred to their appropriate committees, considered, 
returned with recommendations, and either granted or 
rejected. In some eases a conditional erant led the 
Committee of Fifteen into the position of. actually pre- 
seribing the conduct of certain lines of activity. 
Here are a few selections from Tuesday’s minutes: 
_ “Kine county commissioners ask for exemption of 
_ janitors to care for ee County building. Not 
_ granted. . 
«HA Rust asks for janitors for Labor Temple. Not 
_ granted. (The committee was playing no favorites. It 
is wortfhoting, however, that a few days later, when 
the Co-operative Market asked for additional janitor 
help because of the large amounts of food handled for 
the strikers’ kitchens, their request was allowed.) 
_ ‘Teamsters’ Union asks permission to carry oil for. 
- Swedish hospital during strike. Referred to transpor- 
tation committee. Approved. 
—  **Port of Seattle asks to be allowed men to load a 
_ government vessel, pointing out that no private profit 
is involved and that am emergency exists. - Granted. 
* (Note: This was on a later date.) 
x “Garbage Wagon Drivers ask for instructions. Re- 
ferred to public “welfare committee, which recommends 
_ that such garbage as tends te create an epidemic of 
" disease be collected, but no ashes or papers. Garbage 
wagons were seen on the streets after this with the 
: Sign, ‘Exempt by Strike Committee.’ 
- Drug Stores—Prescriptions Only. 


ae “The retail drug clerks sent in a statement of the 
: 21 ai 


health needs of the city. Referred to publie welfare 
committee, which recommends that preseription count- 
ers only be left open, and that in front of every drug 
store which is thus allowed to open a sign be placed 
with the words, ‘No goods sold during general strike. ~ 
Orders for prescriptions only will be filled.. li 
general strike committee. 

‘‘Communication from House of Good Shepherd, Per- 
mission granted by transportation committee to haul ~ 
food and provisions only.’’ 

This is by no means all the business that came before - 
the Committee of Fifteen in a single afternoon, An 
appointment of a committee of relief to look after 
destitute homes, the creation of a publieity bureau, an 
order that watchmen stay on the job until further 
notice, and many other matters were dealt with. And 
after this eventful afternoon there foes a aight 
meeting at 10 p. m. GUO ye 


To Fix an End for the Strike. 


Should a final limit be fixed for the general strike? 
Or should it start to end—no.one knew where? This 
was the question discussed on Tuesday evening by the 
executive committee. = 

Many of the older members of the labor movement 
frankly dreaded the general strike. They saw in it 
even such possibilities as the complete disruption of 
Seattle’s labor movement. They urged that a definite 
time limit be fixed to the sympathetic strike, with the 
threat to repeat it unless action was secured on the 
difficulties of the Metal Trades. Foremost among those 
urgmg this limit were James Duncan, seeretary of the 
Central Labor Council, and E. B. Ault, editor gt the 
Union Record. 

The executive committee of the Metal Trades was at 
first reported as having approved such a time limit, but 
after they had conferred with their general conference 
committee, which refused to agree to the proposal, the 
Metal Trades Council sent word shortly after midnight — 
that they had no request to make. They also stated ~ 
that the mine workers of the state would be asked to 
strike and that the State Federation of Labor would 
be requested to co-operate with the strike. Bn 


27 


a! 


At | Drives Union. 


“The move to fix a time limit to the ae strike 


 eonsequently failed. 
pe : Take Over Printing Plant. 


_ On Wednesday the same grist of requests for exemp- 
‘eens and for directions came before the Committee of 
_ Fifteen. The Trade Printery asked for exemption on 
the ground that it was printing material needed by the. 


_ various unions. The request was denied, and the Trade 
_ Printery was asked instead to turn over its plant to 


the strike committee, to be run by printers giving their 
services. To this the Trade Printery agreed. — 
The day before this offer was made the Equity Print- 


~ ing Co offered to put its plant at the disposal of the 


strike committee, volunteering free labor. This offer 
was favorably considered by a sub-committee, on re. 
jected by the Committee of Fifteen. 

The auto drivers were given permission to carry 
‘mail only’’ on the Des Moines road. They were also 
allowed answer emergency ¢alls for hospitals and 
funerals, provided those calls came through the Auto 


Ministers Appeal. 


The RE wisterial: Federation sent representatives to 
see the Comittee of Fifteen on this day. After sub- 
mitting.the resolutions which they had already sent to 
Mr. Piez and Woodrow Wilson as evidence of their 
sympathy with labor’s cause, they fermally requested 
postponement of the general strike for one week to 
give a chance for peaceful settlement. They were given 


a Yising vote of thanks for their interest, but their re- 


quest was not granted. 
‘The telephone girls were requested to stay on the 


Ms Bi dob temporarily. 


The school janitors’ request to remain on the job was 
i ‘and they were referred to the Engineers’ 
Union, which on the following Saturday allowed them 
to return: 7 

Bake ovens at Davidson’s bakery were allowed to 
aperate, all wages to go into the general strike fund. 
This was the usual policy adopted when union men 


were allowed to work for private employers in a matter 


of ns emergency. 
83 
2 


The eventful Thursday deat! ne 
portant matter was still unsettled—th 
light. At the request of the Comm 
Mayor Hanson came to the Labor 
meeting for conference on the subje 
convened shortly before midnight, 
rived after midnight, remaining 
morning of Thursday. ~ 

The electrical workers had voted 1 
exemptions. On the day before the st 


agent, appeared in the morning pap ; 
not a single light would burn in Se 
telephone system, the newspapers ani di 
depending on ‘‘juice’’ would cease 


‘“‘No Exemptions. 


may die for want of light,’’ Green wa 
' replied, ‘‘No exemptions.’’ The . 


tem. More than any other one event 
strike, this front page report of 
ar oused both. fear and resentment, n 


nounced that city light should run, 
bring in soldiers to run it. Appeals: 
public for volunteers to run the city. 


The electricians took’ the ground 
tie-up would shorten the duration 0 
answer to this the city authorities 
shutting down of city power would 
supply-in West Seattle and on Queen 
mean the spoiling of large quantities - 
eold storage warehouses, while the | 
streets would inevitably lead to di ler, 
shutting off of lights from the Hen 
many deaths, 


24 


aa 


All Committees Much. Concerned. 


The various committees dealing with the strike were 
all deeply concerned. The Committee of Fifteen re- 


Gs quested the electricians to allow enough electricity to 
operate the fire alarm system; they also appointed a 
- eommittee of three to formulate a solution of the elec- — 


trical supply problem, and called a late night meeting 


“eh to make final decision. 


* At the same time the conference committee of the 
_ Metal Trades, charged with the conduct of the original 
_ strike of the ‘shipyard workers, called into conferencé 
the three men who had been appointed by the electrical 
workers to handle their part in the strike. At first the 
zommittee of electrical workers stood firm for a com- 
plete shut-down, but when it was evident that the rep- 
resentatives of the Metal Trades were much opposed 
they finally consented to allow exemptions if a com- 
mittee on exemptions could be installed in the city 
light plant, with authority to state what parts of the 
system should be allowed to run. 


_ First Conference With Mayor. | 


At this point A. E. Miller, chairman of the conference 
committee, called up Mayor Hanson on the telephone 
and asked him to join the conference. The mayor came 
over at once to the Collins building and announced 
that eity light and city water should not be interferred 
with. He refused to recognize any committee on ex- 
emptions, but finally, after a long discussion, consented 
to meet with such a committee and take up with them, 


' section by section, the various parts of the lighting sys- 


tem, in an effort to prove to them that no part of the 


_ system should be shut down. A committee of three 


went oyer to the mayor’s office, but a deadlock oc- 
—eurred at once on the question of street lighting, which 
the committee of three refused to allow. . 
- Upon this the Engineers’ Union announced to the 
mayor that if the electricians left they would operate 
enough of the plant to supply hospitals and other pub- 
lie needs. 
; Midnight Meeting With Mayor. 
All the various pieces of consultation ae planning 
on the subject of city light, which had started spon- 


25 


taneously in. different quarters as soon as the Green 
interview appeared in the paper, came to head in 1 
midnight session of thé Committee of i 
the night before the strike at the Labor Temple. The 
subject under consideration had been ive ome all 
day as the most serious problem which h ret 
involving questions of relations with the city @ 
ment, as well as the relations between individual unions 
_and the general strike committee. In addition to the ¥ 
Committee of Fifteen, representatives of the electrical 
workers, the engineers and the conference committee 
of the Metal Trades were present. 

The mayor, invited at a late hour by telephone, ap- 
peared shortly after midnight, and reiterated his state- 
ment that city water and city light must run, He said 
thta he would prefer to run them with the union men, 
but that he would run them with soldiers from Camp 
Lewis or Bremerton if necessary. He added that he 
did not care about the other public utilities. The ear 
line was not essential; in fact, he might even have the 
men given a lay-off so that they would not lose their 
civil service rating. But light and water, he stated, 
were needed for public health and publie peace. 

The mayor finally left at 3:30, and the Committee 
of Fifteen voted, after his withdrawal, to- order~-the 
electricians back to run the city light plant, with the 
exception of the commercial service. A committee was 
appointed to announce this decision to the mayor, who, 
when called on the telephone, said he would be im itis 
office at 8:30 in the morning. 

In the end the eity light plant ran without interrup- 
tion, as far as was apparent to the citizens of Seattle. 
A month after the strike a member of the strike com- 
mittee of the electrical workers, when asked how this 
happened, made the following statement: ‘¢*The mat- 
ter of city light was a bluff between Green and Haase: 

We had the operators in the sub-station only par 

organized and could not have called them off if .we 
had wanted to. We could and did call out the line men 
and meter men, who responded. But their absence 
made little, immediate difference, and they went back 
before the strike was ealled off. The engineers were in 
a better position than we to close down eity light, but 


26 


vege 


ge 


7 


i ke a Dele SE: * * ‘4 
Pa : ‘9 ea 


“this they declined to do, and only called off their men 
_ after it was sure that city light could run anyway.’ 
_It is perhaps a rather inglorious explanation of a mat- 


4 ter which caused so vital a stir. But, however, much 


_ bluffing entered into it, a few facts stand out as imter- 
esting. First, that the exeeutive committee of the 
"strike, believing that it had the power to shut down 
eity light, ordered that all city lights should run ex- 
cept the commercial power. This is important because 
it shows the temper of mind in the executive commit- 
tee. Second, that up to the time when the strike was 
actually in full swing; Mayor Hanson was not the 
“‘yevolution quelling strong man’’ that he has been 
announced as since, but a worried and busy mayor, not 
sufficiently familiar with the details of his light plant 
to call Green’s bluff and endeavoring for many hours 
in midnight session to argue.the strike committee into 
saving city light from serious inconvenience. It is per- 


- haps not so thrilling a picture, but it is a more human 


one. 
aS ON THURSDAY AT 10 A. M. 

The strike had been called for Thursday at 10 a. m. 
“At that hour the street cars began to pull for the 
barns, the workers all over town left their tasks, and 


_ . the strike was on. Some crafts had stopped before the 


hour set. The cooks had been on-strike all the morn- 
ing, and were working wii preparing food fcr the 
strikers’ kitchens. 

_ According to the business press of the city, Seattle 


"was **prostrate.’’ According to an admission in the 


| morning paper, ‘‘not a wheel turned in any of the 
_ industries employing organized labor or in many others 


which did not employ organized labor.” 
: Regular A, F. of L. Strike. 


Some 60,000 men were out on strike. The strike was 
ealled, organized aiid carried through by the regular 
unions of the American Federation of Labor, acting 
regularly by votes of the rank and file. It was a strike 

in the calling and conduct of which, contrary to state- 
ments made widely throughout the country, no L W. W. 
had any part. 
- Yet the strike affected more organizations than those 


27 


in the American Federation of Labor. Organi: 

of the I. W. W. also struck at once, and sent wor 6 
if any. of their members proved unruly, they them. 
selves would put them out of town and keep them out, 
as‘they-intended to show the A. F. of L. that they 
could co-operate in a strike without causing di rder. 


Since no disorder of any kind occurred in in 
connection with the strike, it will be seen that ha Ae 
were as good as their word. y 


Japanese Strike. 


Among the other organizations striking were the 
Japanese barbers and restaurant workers. In fact, all ~— 
the Japanese section of the city was closed up tight 
and remained closed. The response of the Japanese 
workers added greatly to the good feeling between 
them and the American workers, and they were in- 
vited to send delegates to the general strike commit- 
tee, but without vote. 

As has been said, the strike was from the wea | 
to the end under the firm control of duly elected rep- 
resentatives of regular A. F. of L, umions, and any 
other organizations which also struck had no voice or 
vote in its conduct. * 


Many Individual Strikers. 


How many individuals, unconnected with any or- 
ganizations, struck just out of a feeling of fellowship 
for labor will never be known. But there were many 
of them. In the nature of the-ease, word only is heard 
of afew. An elevator boy in an office building of con- 
servative business men, two laborers working. for a) 
landscape gardener, and hundreds of other sporadie 

*NOTE—The rumor that the I. W. W. had a leading part 
in the strike can be traced perhaps to the general desire on 
the part of the press to discredit the strikers, and partly to 
the fact that certain dodgers were published and distributed i 
during the strike calling on the workers to emulate Russia, 
which seemed to be of I. W. W. origin. In the excited minds 
of business men untrained to discriminate in matters - 
ing labor, this was supposed to be part of the authorized 
“strike propaganda.” It caused no excitement in the ranks 
of the workers, as they are accustomed to seeing such propa- 
ganda put forth by radical groups, and as they are also ac- 
customed to distinguishing statements authorized by their 
organizations from totally unauthorized leaflets. \ 


28 


jap 


Ceecot this type, eeuereih Persons of this inal had 


not even a union to protect them in securing their jobs 


ai again, yet they struck out of.a feeling of sympathy, 
and a desire to be ‘‘a part of the general strike of 
_ Seattle’s labor movement.’’ 


Second Meeting of General Strike Committee. 
_ Two hours after the strike’ began the general strike 


- committee held its second full meeting, Thursday at 


noon. An avalanche of business descended upon it. 
For three and a half days the Executive Committee of 
Fifteen had been the authority in strike matters. Now 
at last the strike was on and the general committee 


- met to survey its handiwork. 


_ The greater part of the first session was devoted to 
attempting to unwind the tangles of the city light situ- 
ation, which is elsewhere described. 
Exemptions Referred to Executive Committee. 
‘The regular grist of requests for exemptions began 


~ to come in to the general committee, but was soon found 
- to be too burdensome for so large a body t® deal with. 
_ It was finally directed that all exemptions should go 
first to the Committee of Fifteen. 


A few typical instances of the type of exemption 
asked for from the general strike committee are as 


follows: 


Seattle Renton Southern asks permission for trans- 
portation in carrying mail. All motions made on this 
were tabled. 

Co-operative Market says that the milk supply is 


‘short, and the farmers have offered to deliver it if per 


- mission is granted. This was Pent g to the ee coun- 


cil of teamsters. 
The longshoremer’ ask AS to handle govern- 


; ment mails, customs and baggage. Permission is given 
Naas the mails and customs. : 


\ 


The postal clerks ask that enough taxi company’ ’s 
ears be exempted to give them irdnsporauion over the 
city. This was refused. 

The icemen ask for exemption in transporting ice 
to hospitals and drug stores. This was referred to the 
pagtet council of teamsters. 

Meantime words of greeting and help came from 


29 


nearby towns. Tacoma had called her rike | 
same time as Seattle. Various unions in Rei 
struck. Everett sent a delegation to state that 
work was sent to Everett from Seattle they wou 
out their men. The mine workers from Taylor oj ered 
financial assistance. at 

The Renton mine workers. being stated ‘will the . 
Seattle Central Labor Council, struck. Other organi- ~ 
zations of mine workers sent good wishes Begs ihe 
statement that they stood ready to strike if the move- 
ment was made statewide. 

Meantime the Committee of Fifteen had been ealled — 
upon for additional minor exemptions. They granted | 
permission to the street car men to appoint six of their 
watchmen for the car barns. They ‘gaye permits to~ 
the plumbers and steamfitters for seven men to act in 
emergencies only under the direction of the Plumbers’ 
Union. These details are of particular interest in show- 
ing the closeness with which.the city was tied up, and 
the inevitable result in placing power in the hands of 
the strike eommittee over many aspects of wich eity’s 
life. 

I. W. W. Cards Recognized for Meals. 


On Friday morning a new issue came before the gen- 
eral strike committee. A committee from the Transport — 
Workers, an I. W. W. organization, appeared to pro- 
test because their ‘‘red cards’’ were not recognized at 
the strikers’ commissaries. At these eating houses the 
general public paid 35 cents, while men with union 
cards were admitted for 25. 

The general strike committee voted that all ee 
ecards, regardless of affiliation, should be recognized cognized in 
the eating places. 

This instance of a tendency to eut across thio pees 
that existed before the strike also eame out im diseus- 
sion ¢oncerning the Japanese workers, who had struck 
in unison with the Americans. After much discussion ~ 
between those who wished to offer the Japanese full 
representation on the general strike committee and 
those who wished only to send a committee to confer 
with them, it was finally decided to invite them to 
have seats in the general strike committee, but with-" 
out vote. 

30 


Pe inbiory- demand of the mayor that the strike be 
called off. It was perhaps the very completeness and 
bi " stiecess of the strike, together with the alarm of the 
; business men, that brought him to take this aggressive 
attitude. 
©. Af all events, Mayor Hanson, who 36 hours before * 
st had spent long hours conferring with the Committee 
of Fifteen regarding city light, suddenly adopted a 
. different position. He issued a proclamation to the 
ie people, announcing that he had plenty of soldiers to 
' maintain order; he sent word out by the United Press 
_ throughout the country that he was putting down an - 
.. ‘attempted Bolshevik revolution. And he sent ‘word 
_ to the general strike committee that he wished at once 
_ to see their representatives. : 
_ To these representatives he declared tat ative the 
_ strike was at once called off he would reopen all in- | 
_ dustries, using soldiers and declaring martial law if 
_ necessary. The time first fixed by the mayor was Fri- 
_ day at noon, but as it was noon before his communica- 
tion finally reached the general strike committee he 
deferred the hour till 8 o’clock Saturday morning. 
‘Already there were members of the committee who 
had been from the beginning in favor of a limited 
strike. But, according to the statements of committee 
members, this action of the mayor ’s solidified resist- 
if iar This view of the mayor’s intrusion was given by 
- Ben Nauman the following Wednesday at the Central 
Labor Council: 
“Ole attempted to call the strike off at noon of Fri- 
day, and said that if we didn’t do it he’d declare martial 
’ law. Then he said that unless we declared the strike 
_ off Saturday morning he’d declare martial law. We 
didn’t declare it off, and Ole didn’t declare martial law. 
Finally, he made many of the members of the commuit- 
. tee so mad we couldn’t declare it off ourselves.’ 


THE STRIKE CALLED OFF. 


The picture of the calling off of the strike given by 
a Mayor Hanson to the press of the country was dramatic 
enough. It is significant that it was not printed in the 


8h 


try, the Gieateals Papen ‘Council, wh 
of the heads of the different unions, 
the radicals——Labor tried to run ever 
‘We refused to ask exemptions from 
seat of government is at the City Hall 
1,000 extra police, armed with rifles an 
told them to shoot on Sight anyone ¢ 
We got ready for business. 
**T issued a proclamation ‘that all li 
would be protected; that all business 
usual. And*this morning our municipal 
light, power plants, water, etc., were. 
*blast,; +... 
- “There was an attempted revolutio 


to first, basa,” ‘vu ae Head, 


This was the account of the Seattle 
by the mayor of Seattle. Later, the 


good advertiser, but he lost his head ec 
spent $50,000 of taxpayers’ money for 
which was never needed. , facoma spe 
Tacoma had no trouble.’ ; 


How the Mayor Shifted His 
It was not until the second day of 


in a most Neg manner. Lat 

‘Now boys,’’ he said, ‘‘I want my ee : 
my water, and the hospitals, That’s all. 
about the car line or the other departmen: 

Perhaps it was the very completeness 
or perhaps the pressure from meeting 
men. Or possibly the tilt with Green 


32 


iers: apd uno Bioont i citizens to go about hei 
_ business as usual. 
- He also called up James Duncan and said that the 
strike must close by noon. When Mr. Duncan replied 
that. this was impossible, he asked that the Executive 
_ Committee of the Strike should come to his office at 
- onee. He was told that this message would.be trans- 
mitted but that the committee was very Ausy and 
armen be unable to come,as a body. . 
The Executive Committee sent a ‘sub-committee of 
\, Veta ‘members to conicr with the mayor. The mayor 
urged them to call off the strike, saying that if the 
pices could be settled locally they had won ‘‘hands. 
_down,’’ but that Mr. Piez must be seen, and that ‘‘that 
at group”? had already double-crossed the city and were 
oir “probably double-crossing the shipyard workers. He 
offered if the strike were at once called off, to ‘‘lock 
up his desk and go to Washington with them, to try to 
et the wages of the lower paid men raised,’’ a demand 
ich he declared to be just. . 
In ease the strike were not called off, he threatened 
martial law. The committee replied that they were 
not afraid of martial law, and if that was the mayor’s 
next card, they had still ‘other cards themselves. The 
gas. workers had not been ordered out, and the mine 
_ workers of the state were ready to go out. 
Pet gis you want this strike to spread, declare martial 
law,”? they said. ‘‘And furthermore, you,don’t know 
how the boys in Camp Lewis will stand on the ques- 
tion of strike-breaking.’’ 
shy “By G—,’’ said the mayor, “‘if they are not loyal I 
as want to k ae 
“TE you want to see the streets of Seattle run with 
blood to satisfy your curiosity about loyalty, we don’t’’ 
“hs _Teplied Mr. Dunean. 


aes 


i 


Peaentahives: of the Conciliation Bbard, ie latter 
‘might be able to present some offer which they could 
ake to the men as a reason for going back. Conse- 
ently the mayor ealled J. W. Spangler, a banker, 
nd os A. Matthews, down to the office, as rep- 


a, ro 33 


Mr. Spangler said ie vise repor 
further conference was then fi 
- evening, : 


Tone Seems Ch 
When Mr. seg retuned: t 


the labor men by their first nam 
short, stating that ‘“‘his people’? 
this was a revolution and they 
revolutionists. He admitted that he 
fooled’’ and did not consider it a rey 
‘this people’’ did; and that they refu 
any way until the strike was called 
‘‘That’s final, is it, Spangler?”’ sai 
being told that it was he said to th 
mittee: ‘‘Then that’s all there is to 
From this time on the mayor 
the strikers. He threatened ma 
statement to the press of the ‘€o 
strike as a revolution. 
The interpretation of his action 2 
since that time has been that he tried, 
tician, to play both sides, but when it 
to choose, he sided with the business S 
After the strike was over, when 
city were being penalized for havi 
and when officials of the Central | 
to the mayor to intercede for the 
‘“You think we couldn’t run an o 
if we wanted to,’’ clearly indi 
dropped his attitude of of hostility, 
labor movement for one of hostili 


The Fateful Saturday Ml 


Many striking inaccuracies ocouni 
ment made to the press of the ‘courier 


proclaimed. The fact was that he I 
-regarding exemptions for ae 
**T issued a proclamation and t 


were running full blast.’’ The 


bit ae proclamation was phat seven cars began to 
he Tun on the Municipal car line. 
_ The water, power and lights had been running from 
the beginning. On Saturday morning, the time when 
the: mayor called upon business to resume under his 
_ protection, business simply did not resume. 
_ .Yhe main car lines of the city were not running. A 
- pltare taken of Second and Pike streets, one of the 
_ busiest corners of the city, at 9 o’clock on Saturday 
"morning, shows a deserted city. Teamsters, trucks and 
Sich were ‘absent. “The restaurants were closed. 


ue What Did Stop the Strike. 


What did stop the strike, then, if the mayor’s procla- 
_ mation had so little effect. Pressure from international 
officers of unions, from executive committees of unions, 
from the ‘leaders’? in in the labor movement, even from 
_ those very leaders who are still called ““Bolsheviki” by: 
- the undiseriminating press. -And, added to all these, 
the pressure upon the workers themselves, not of the 
loss of their own jobs, but of living in a city so tightly 
closed. 
_ Saturday morning at 8 o’clock, the hour specified 
Vibe the mayor for the reopening of industry, saw the 
-General Strike still in full swing. The strike commit- 
tees were still discussing exemptions, and sending dele- 
gates to other cities to “explain the strike and ask for 
rors oscin 
But the Executive Committee of Fifteen was seri- 
ously considering a resolution for calling off the strike. 
It was realized “that in some form or other the city 
_would have to resume some activity soon. On Saturday 
afternoon this committee brought in to the General 
Strike Committee a resolution fixing Saturday night 
as the close of the strike. This had been passed by 
a vote of 13 to 1 in the Executive Committee, one mem- 
ber being absent and one voting against. it. 
_, The resolution follows: 
= _ WHEREAS; the unparalleled autocratic attitude of Charles 
&zE Piez, General Manager of the Emergency Fleet Corpora- 
ig tion, in refusing to permit the shipyard employers and em- 
oe ployes © of this community to enter into a mutually satisfac- 


tory agreement as to wages and working conditions (which 
would not add to the government cost one penny) so aroused 


35 


the indignation of all uniogjsts’ ‘in Seat 
to express that indignation © rough the 
strike; and 


WHEREAS; it has pay ic recognized 
of such a strike would be extremely limit 
no good could be accomplished by .contin 
definitely: and 

WHEREAS; on the 7th day of Februa 
Strike Committee was in session delib 
visability of calling off said strike on : 
object had been fully attained brewed 


workers in other ship building centers 
and ; 
WHEREAS; the ill-advised, hysteri 
proclamation of Mayor Ole Hanson trem 


fact that it suggested coercion; and - 
WHEREAS; martial law has been s' 
made to throw the military forces of th 
ance on the side of the employing intere 
WHEREAS; .thirty thousand shipyard 
on strike for a period of sixteen days, % a 


out so much as a fist fight or any oth 
. now, therefore be it 5 
RESOLVED; that we recommend that ) 


strike, excepting the shipyard workers 
midnight, Saturday, February 8, with. the” 
all. persons who went on strike return 
tions, holding themselves in readiness f 
eall from the General Strike Committe 
to secure a satisfactory adjustment of 
mands within a reasonable length of time 
RESOLVED; that Organized Labor o 
press to the Mayor, and all others, its 
action taken, and announce that as Jaw 
have no fear of martial law or ‘any other | 
used by those presumed to represent the 
reality are representing only one class; an 
RESOLVED; that we take this opportu 
to the strikers our deep appreciation and a 
splendid spirit, and order maintained ini; 
and aggravating circumstances. P 


Not Yet Ready to Quit 

All afternoon and all night the 
in the General Strike Committee. — 
Many of the most prominent mén o 
ment, including the persons who ha 


36 


x 


ue 


Hi f Tn one of their arguments, however, after a dis- 


“‘eussion which lasted eatil 4:12 in the morning, the vot- 
ing of the General Strike Committee showed such an 


. overwhelming defeat of the resolution that it was 


unanimously decided to continue the strike. It was 
_ obvious that the Executive Committee of Fifteen and 
the old-timers in the labor movement were more cau- 
tious than the larger committee just elected from the 
rank and file. Y 

‘But the break had already begun to appear. Whether 


- the recommendation of the Committee of Fifteen was 


“lnerely a wise forecast of what was about to happen, 
‘or whether their action and the uncertainty about the 
dosing of the strike’ gave encouragement to the 
thought of returning, by Monday morning, when the 
General Strike Coimmittee again met, several unions 
_ had gone back to work, under orders from international 
officers or from their own executive committees, in 
many cases. hastily called and without full attendance. 
In no case is it recorded that this return was taken by 
the rank and file. 

- Most important of these unions were the Street Car 


| en and the Teamsters. ~The former reported that they 
had returned by order of their Executive Committee 


on recommendation of an international officer, but 
that they would come out again if called by the Gen- 


eral Strike Committee. 


“The Teamsters had also returned on retommienddation: 
lat the Joint Council of Teamsters, but the rank and file 


had ealled another meeting for Monday afternoon at 


ma which it was predicted that they would go out on strike 


} 


again, vs 

An incident in connection with the.return of the 
- Teamsters to work is enlightening, as it shows what 
results may happen through a mingr personal friction. 
On Sunday evening Auditor Briggs, international of- 


_» ficer of Teamsters’ Union, appeared before the Commit- 
Bly Hee AOL Fifteen and stated that he had tried to gain the 
floor both in the Central Labor Council and at the Gen- 


veral Strike Committee and had been denied admission. 


: oe abe that it was as aresult of this attitude toward . 


37 


him (an A. F. of L. representative and an international 
officer) by the persons responsible for the strike that 
he had ordered the Teamsters back, and that he ley 
have acted differently if he had been treated | ate 
bodies as the Committee of Fifteen had treated 


Roll Call on Monday Shows Some 331 


A few other scattering unions were found Res 
from their places when the General Strike Committee 


met on Monday morning. The Barbers had gone back, 


instructed thereto by a meeting of their Executive Com- 
mittee. 

At this meeting a member of the Lady Bathow was 
also present, arriving late, and through this fact some 
confusion arose, a few of the Lady Barbers going back 
to work without the knowledge of their officers. The 
majority, however, led by their own Executive Com- 
mittee, remained out. 

As a matter of fact all the women’s unions showed 
a strong feeling of loyalty towards the strike, many of 

them outlasting the men of the same eraft. «< 
- The Stereotypers were also back at work, reporting 
that they had been under severe pressure from their 


international officers, but had only gone back on the: 
report made to them on Saturday night, that the strike . 


was being ealled off. 

The Auto Drivers, Bill Posters, Iee Wagon Drivers, 
Milk Drivers were not present and were reported as 
having returned to work. Some of these organizations 
belonged to the Joint Council of Teamsters and were 
included in the he order that was issued by that 
body. 

It was reported that the newsboys had heen ordered 
back by a small meeting of their Executive Committee, 
at which not even a quorum was present, but that they 
were holding a general union meeting that evening to 
settle the question, 

All other unions were still out on strike and many of 
them voted enthusiastically to remain ‘‘to the last 
diteh.’’ 

A few unions, while sticking by the strike, vepared 
that it might involve them in great hardship, The 
Sailors’ Union, for instance, felt that by striking they 


38 


A " es placing the Seaman’s bill in ieee The Hotel 


Maids stated that, since they were a small union with 


much competition from non-uhion girls, they stood to 


lose their jobs. 
_ At the end of the Monday morning session the Hx- 


oy ecutive Committee of Fifteen again submitted a re- 
_ vised resolution, calling for all unions which had re- 


turned to work to go out on strike again, in order that 
‘all might return in a body the following day, Tuesday, 
at noon. The resolution was passed almost at once by 
the General Strike Committee. 

The voting was confined to the ‘‘allies’’ or sympa- 


thetic strikers, the shipyard workers not being granted 


 @ Voice. 
_ The text of the resolution was as follows: 
Whereas, this strike committee now assembles in the 
midst of the general understanding of the true status 
: of the general strike; and 
Whereas, the Executive Committee is sufficiently 
i fnatiatied that regardless of the ultimate action that the 
- rank and file would take, the said committee is con- 
-vineed that the rank and file did stand pat, and the 
stampede to return to work was not on the part of the — 
rank and file, but rather on the part of their leaders. 
(However, be it understood that this committee does 
not question the honesty of any of the representatives 
of-the general movement.) Therefore, be it 
. Resolved, that the following action become effective 
at once, February 10, 1919: 
_ That this strike committee advise all affiliated unions 
that have taken action to return their men to work, that 
said unions shall again call their men to respond im- 
mediately to the call of the rank and file until 12 noon 
‘February 11, 1919, and to then declare this strike at a 
“successful termination, and if developments should then 
_ make it necessary that the strike be continued, that 
_ further action be referred to the rank and file ex- 
clusively. 
In the evening the Teamsters reported that a meet- 
ing of the rank and file had unanimously voted to strike 


sett again till Tuesday noon in accordance with the recom- 
_. mendation of the General Strike Committee. 
2) Ttl was penerally ene that the Street Car Men 


39 


would also strike again, since they had reported _ on 
Sunday to the Committee of Fifteen that their Hxeeu- 
tive Committee had full power to call them out again, 
if it seemed needed in the interests of solidarity, and 
sinee they had reported on Monday to he General 
Strike Committee that they would go out called 
to do so by the General Strike Committee. — It“took, 
however, some hours to summon a meeting of the Street 
Car Men’s- Executive Committee, who were at work; 
and when they were called together, they stated that 
a meeting of the men to decide on the matter could not 
be held in time. Consequently the street ear men did 
not come out again. 

The meeting of Newsboys took a vote andl depied 
to remain on strike till Tuesday noon. So also did: Bae 
meeting of Auto Drivers. 

It will be noticed that all cases in whieh the unions 
\oted on the question were decided in fayor of the re- 
quest of the General Strike Committee, while all in 
which the Executive Committees or the international 
officers,.took action, were decided against the Wie ean? 
Strike Committee. 

This fact was apparent from*the beginning on Mies 
strike to its close—that it was not a strike engimeered | 
by leaders, but one voted for, carried on, and kept up 
by that part of the rank and file which attends union 
meetings or takes part in referendum votes. The in- 
Aaa of recognized ‘‘leaders’’ was in every ease on 
tae side of greater caution and conservatism a was 

ictually displayed. . 


CONSTRUCTIVE ACTIVITIES OF eres 
FEEDING THE PEOPLE. 


Among the pieces of constructive oreauane ae ‘ear- 


ried on during the *general strike were the supplying — 
of milk to babies by the milk wagon drivers’ union, — 
the handling of hospital laundry by joint agreement 
between the laundry. drivers, laundry workers and 
laundry men; the feeding of the strikers and many of. 
the general publie by the provision trades, and the 
maintaining of Bublic peace by the Labor War. Da ive 
Guard. OH ane 


40 


ey F 


eae Milk Stations for Babies. 

The arrangements made by the laundry drivers a 
aundry workers for handling hospital laundry are 
“elated elsewhere. The milk wagon drivers at first at- 
mpted to make a similar type of agreement with the 
ilk dealers or dairy owners. They worked out a 
plan for neighborhood milk stations all over the city, 
# shad for downtown depot stations from which delivery 
ieee be made to hospitals. 

This plan was submitted to the employers. It was 
soon efelt -by the union that the employers were at- 
: tempting to direct the operation of the plan in such 
a way as to gain eredit for themselves in relieving the 
milk ‘situation of the city. Furthermore, the plan of 
the employers ‘involved opening of downtown dairies 
only, which the union believed would leave thousands 
x, of babies, and especially of the poorer classes, unable 
to get milk. 

The milk wagon drivers’ union therefore withdrew 
 fraiet the attempt to work together with the employers 
3 rca established through their own organization 35 
neighborhood milk stations all over the city. The em- 
_ployers meantime combined together and operated one 
- -pasteurizing plant at which they themselves. did the 
work, and from which they distributed milk to the 

yarious dairies in the city, For this distribution they 

applied for exemption of one truck, and the milk 
wagon drivers’ union endorsed their request’ to the 
iS a general strike commtitee. The hospitals were required 
ae come to these dairies for their supply of milk. 


Arranged All Over Town. 


"The dairies thus supplied by the milk dealers were 
only eleven in number, so located that it would have 
been impossible for the mothers of Seattle to secure 
- milk unless they owned automobilés. The milk wagon 
“ drivers therefore chose 35 locations properly spaced 
throughout the city, secured the use of space in stores, 
_ and-proceeded to set up neighborhood milk stations. 
The stations were announced as open from 9 till 2, 
but the milk was always gone before noon. The 
- amount handled increased as the days went on until 
about 3,000 gallons were handled in the various sta- 


"41 


tions. The first day the supply ran noticeably ae 
especially in some parts of town, but by the third day 
of the strike the irregularities were ironed out and the 
supply was more adjusted to the need. ' 

The milk was brought into town by the small private 
dairymen, whose dairies were near the had 
consequently been thoroughly inspected by the board 
of health. It was raw milk, pure, and authorized for 
babies. Each dairyman was given the address of a 
different milk station and made his deliveries direct. 
The over-supply at some and under-supply at others 
was changed the second day by a small amount of de- 
livery handled by the milk drivers’ union between 
stations. 

Union Loses Money. — 


The men at the milk stations gave their services bree: 
and as a result the union stood to make a small profit 
on their activities in spite of the loss in efficiency 
which always occurs when a new system is put into 
effect. 

But this gain was more than offset by heavy losses 
in connection with the supply of milk to the strikers’ 
eating places. The estimate of the number of people 
who would have to be fed was much heavier than the ~ 
number of those who actually came, some 3,000 gallons 
of milk ordered for these kitchens were never re- 
quired, and as the milk drivers’ union had contraéted 
for this with the farmers they stood the loss. The milk 
came from distant farms and could not have been 
transferred to the milk stations, because it was unin- 
speeted and not usable for babies. A loss of $700 was 
therefore sustained by the milk wagon drivers’ union 
as part of their contribution towards meeting an emer- 
gency in the city of Seattle. 

The union has, however, gamed in an understanding 
of the milk problems of a large city, aid in ability to 
do the teamwork of co-operation whenever, in the in- — 
evitable development of industry, it is seen desirable 
to handle the milk of the city as a co-operative unit. 


Feeding the Strikers. 


The heaviest and most complicated job of organiza- 
tion fell to the provision trades, charged with feeding 


42 


he late ora and aint members of the general pubhe 
t as desired to patronize the strikers’ commissaries. 
The restaurants of Seattle are almost 100 per cent 
i ganized. When the vote of the cooks and assistants, 
the waiters and waitresses threatened to close them 
down the restaurant owners took the matter phil- 
i osophically. Many of them offered their kitchens to 
Me the: cooks for the preparation of food for the strikers, 
‘and some offered their entire establishments to the. 
vunions for the duration of the strike. 
It was realized that the feeding of people through a 
i ae large restaurants would be much simpler and “less | 
expensive than feeding them in specially arranged 
halls. But for various reasons the offer of the restaurant. 
owners was refused. Chief among these reasons wi 
the fact that to take a few restaurants and omit othe 
would be unfair to the owners who were omitted.” 
wi “One restaurant owner said to the union: “Sure, 
é take my whole place and run it. , When you boys get 
through I'll have some business.’’ The truth behind: 
this remark made it impracticable to take some restau: 
- rants and leave others. In a few of the outlying dis- 
tricts, where it could be done without discrimination, 
an occasional restaurant was taken over in its entirety 
for the duration of the strike, with the consent of the 
_ owners. 


Open Twenty-one Eating Places. 

‘Some 21 eating places were opened in various parts 
of the city. The food was cooked in large kitchens, 
the use of which was donated by different restaurants, 
and was then transported to various halls where is 
was served, cafeteria style. The original plan called 
for each person to bring his own “‘eating utensils,’’ but 
this caused so much dissatisfaction that large quantities 
ot paper plates and pasteboard cups were bought, to- 
gether with small an ea of dishes, tin cups, knives, 

__ forks and spoons. 

vr The trials of the commissary department were many. 
+ fe It had to organize the supply of a large but quite un- 
-. known number of meals. It faced difficulties in pp 
ing provisions, in transporting cooked materials, 
bringing the volunteer cooks to and from their aes 
Vues of these problems depended on the working to- 


43 


gether of people who had not had time > to ‘become 
welded into a complete organization. neat 

Delay was experieneed on the opening | idlay: mae 
many causes. Some of the kitchens promised were 


withdrawn atthe last moment, and the bane Sl 


provisions sent there had to be taken 
arrangements for transporting cook geo te 

place to another did not work perfectly. In many. TARY 
the first meal of the day was not ready until 4 or 5 
in the afternoon. When it arrived there was only the 


smallest possibly supply of dishes, and the patrons had . 


not noticed the order that each must brmg his own. 

There was no corps of dishwashers to keep up the 
‘meager supply of dishes until the waitresses’ union, 
. assisted by: patrons, leaped into the breach and organ: 
izedethis very necessary branch of serviee. — 

Many of the strikers had been without food all Hane 
as the restaurants had not been open for breakers 
Consequently on the first day there was a tink sot 
- amount of inevitable grumbling from hungry men. 
the second day, however, the difficulties were m 
reduced and meals ebgan to appear with regularity. 


Zeal and Sacrifice Under Difficulties. 


The amount of zeal and sacrifice of many of the 
cooks deserves special mention. It was expected that 
they would be taken to and from their work by the 
auto drivers’ union, but these arrangements did not 


always work at first, and men who had labored 12 to 
14 hours: at the hardest-kind of work sometimes founé 


themselves faced with a five-mile walk home, and an-. 
other day on the morrow of the-same kind of labor. i: 
Through all these difficulties the commi mC 
mittee, consisting of William Hinkley, Bert’ Oy 
William Wilkening and Harry Nestor, with the pay 
assistance of Fred Leandoys, business agent of the 
cooks, made persistent headway. They had greatly 


overestimated the number of people that would need 


to be fed, for many people stayed at home for one or 


all meals. In the end they were serving 30,000 meals 


a day with little trouble or friction. It was a task the 


magnitude of which only those can appreciate who. 


have attempted to feed even a thousand people with 
44 . 


oes took she in. : this order, sometimes with- 
ae all the eating houses. ‘On the final day 
he price was 25 cents to everyone. 
fi This eovered a full and very substantial meal of beef 
stew, with large chunks of beef and whole potatoes 
¥ amd carrots, spaghetti with tomato sauce, bread and 
ve coffee. On some days the menu was varied by steak, 
FAL pot roast and gravy, in place of the stew. It will be 
seen that the diet chosen was by no means an inex- 
__-pensive one, especially as every person was allowed as 
: much as he ‘eould eat. 
4 _ »- Money Loss of Kitchens. _ 
De tier the strike was over and the committee of the 
iy - Metal Trades who had-guaranteed the bills added up 
their eacounis they found a loss of some $6,000 to 
" Le 000. 
ep str Nearly a1, 000 worth of bread was left on the last 
day and tid to be given away. Over $1,000 had been 


- food from place to place. In addition to this the first 
Cae day of the strike showed a loss, for this day alone, of 

over $5,000, due to the difficulties of getting started 
and the spoiling of much food which soured before 
the next day. Much of this was due to overestimating 
the number of meals that would be necessary, and 
much of it to the fact that a few hours was not long 


operation into running order. 

“Tf the strike had lasted four or five days more,’ 

states Bert Swain, secretary of the Metal Trades con 
eil, ‘we would have come out even, and after that, 
reduced the price. Another time there should be some 


some one person in charge of transportation. We did 


: tation work paula. be.’ 
he PRESERVING THE PEACE. 


45 


spent on equipment, and $1,500 for trucks to haul the » 


enough to get the ‘machinery of transportation and 


' one'caterer at the head for the buying of supplies, and . 


not realize how large a feature of the job the transpor- — 


it was the universal testimony that never had a strike 


Bro hal 


been carried on so peacefully as the Seattle alerale 
strike. ‘‘Sixty thousand men out and not even a fist- 
fight’’ was the way the labor group expressed it. 

The city was far more orderly than under ordinary — 
conditions. The general police courts arrests sank to 
32 on the first day of the strike, 18 on the second, and 
30 on the Monday morning report for Sattrday and 
Sunday. Not one of these arrests was due in any 
way to the strike. 

Maj. Gen. Morrison, who came over from Camp Lewis 
in charge of troops, told the strikers’ committee which 
called upon him tiat in 40 years of military éxperience 
he had not seen so quiet and orderly a eity. 


Reasons Given for Order. 


What was the reason for this order? Mayor Hanson 
says it was secured by his extra police. ““They knew 
we meant business and they started no trouble,’” he 
declared, in the pronouncement sent broadcast through- 
out the country. 

‘“‘“While the business men and the authorities pre- 
pared for riots. labor organized for peace.’’ Such is 
the statement of a reporter from a meh city, who | 
came to get a first-hand view. 

Robert Bridges, president of the port of Seattle, 
wrote a letter to the Central Labor Council in whieh 
he declared that’ ‘‘it was the members of organized 
labor who kept order during the strike. To them and 
to no one else belongs the ecredit.”’ 

‘“It was a great spiritual victory for organized la- 
bor,’’ he declares, ‘‘a victory that cannot be taken from 
you notwithstanding many assertions that others than 
yourselves were responsible for preserving that pepe 
and order.’ 

He alluded to the show of force and the calling in 
of the troops as ‘‘an aggravation’’ rather than a help, 
tending to give labor the impression that violence was 
expected from them. ‘‘ Notwithstanding these extra- 
ordinary precautions, which were an extreme aggra- 
vation to them, the members of organized labor re- 
strained themselves and went about their way quietly 
and peaceably. I sincerely hope that this will establish 
a precedent for future strikes.’’ 


46 


ae is no doubt that large ‘numbers of business 
n in Seattle believed the view that has been sent 
roadcast throughout the nation, that it was the action 


r sing the police force by six hundred men, and 
i deputizing some 2,400 citizens of all varieties with the 
right to carry guns, that stopped a bloody and violent 
# in “revolution i in the Northwest. This is the time honored 
4 * method of the authorities, and the business world as a 
ee class believes in it, and expects machine guns to pre- 
ACY vent bloodshed. — 


RES Bitterness Among Business Men. 


_ Bitterness was great in the businéss world. Some 
Aig reasons. why it was greater among them than among 
pe ‘the strikers may be touched on later; here we will 
? merely quote the statement made to the ewriter by .a 
_ prominent public official who was mixing much with 
both sides: ‘‘It is only necessary to mix among the 
business men of this city and then among the strikers, 
and hear their remarks, or even watch their faces, to 
- find out which ones have murder in their hearts !”’ 
a It was a commonly noticed fact that women on trains 
_ running into Seattle, or in elubs, or in gatherings of 
- other kinds, expressed the view that those strikers 
ought to be stood up Against a wall and shot down.’ 
Two weeks after the strike, a prominent business man 
remarked to friends: ‘‘If that strike had lasted a few 
days longer, there would have been some people hung.”’ 
The expectation, even the desire, to see the streets run 
with blood, was heart constantly i in business offices. 
“JT had four hundred requests for guns,’’,said one 
proprietor of a hardware store, ‘‘and not one from a 
laboring man, as far as Leould judge them,’’ 
Two thousand four hundred eitizens, according to 
the -Inayor ’s statement, were given authority to use 
stars. and guns. The process by which this authority 
was secured is thus described by two young men who 
were deputized: 
“We went into an office and held up our hands and 
: somebody mumbled some oath or other and they pinned 
Guigk: star on us and turned us loose.’ 


47 


of Mayor Hanson in bringing in machine guns, in- 


and it would be no bluff when he dee 


‘strike. But not one single copy of 


major general did not even know of 


One responsible business man w 
order to ‘‘protect his property’’ 
two ‘‘young kids’’ who had just bs 
who were. openly exulting in the 


striker.’’ 
Soldiers Brought 
In addin to the armed men 


Tt was fortunate for the ine of § 
diers came under the charge of a nan 
Morrison. Vested, in the absence of | 
from our shores, with the right to 
if he deemed it necessary, he appe 
duct himself im such a manner as 


of strikers who called upon him : 
mayor’s threat of martial law he 
martial law was necessary, he himse! 


ealling in of the soldiers. One is a 
“literature” about the strike which 


ed not aus page of authent 
the strikers. 

Denuneiations in untempered lan uage 
business sheets, together with unauthor 
some of which seemed to come from the EB 
there in abundance. The whole colle 
foster a belief in the revolutionary 


nouncements published by the strike 
not a copy of the Union Record or the 
of which over 100,000 had been sent 


the Union Record, the official organ ( 


circulation of any newspaper in. the N 4 
compiled the collection of ‘‘informatior 
not known, but its Intent was obvious. 


48 


teed interesting fact is that when ‘the writer ° 
of this history called upon the successor of Maj. Gen. 
orrison, to secure information regarding the calling. 
ot of the troops, such information was not available. 
The officer in charge stated that he was not authorized 
to inform the people of Seattle either the number of 
) men sent over, nor at whose request or order they had 
ey been sent, nor for what purpose they were in the city, 
whether to guard government property or to give gen- 
eral aid in ease of trouble. It thus appears that mili- 
_ tary authorities may be quartered in an American city, 
and the people of that city be denied the right to know 
_ at the time or afterward for what purpose or at whose 
ie ge ak they have come and what they propose to do. 


Labor Organizes for Order, 


Meanwhile the strikers ‘‘organized for peace and or- 
_ der.’? They realized that they had nothing to gain 
and everything to lose by a riot in the streets. The 
tone of the editorial comment in the Strike Bulletin 
_ and the Union Record, both before and after the strike, 
shows a marked absence of bitterness and a prevalence 
of good humor. 

“A machine gun may be a good argument, but it 

does mighty little execution “where there are no 
crowds’’ was one little squib intended to discourage 
the forming of large groups in the streets. a 
_ “Wild rumors are floating around. Be careful how 
you believe them. The worst of these tales yesterday 
_ was that the strikers had blown up the city water dam. 
Whoever started this is responsible for much unneces- 
sary mental anguish. The strikers are not blowing 
_ up anything.’’ So runs another of the ‘‘Strike Notes. 
“Keep quiet. Let the other fellow do the quarrel- 
ing, »” was another slogan passed around. 
“The Strike Bulletin commented favorably on the 
use of public libraries which had increased with a tre- 
_mendous bound during the strike, and urged small 
ee community sings and recreational gatherings for the 
_- purpose of * ‘making the most of your leisure time.’ 
sae And it ended: ‘‘This is fine weather for a vacation, 
ee Sh shea 

cate iame on “‘Keep Siting? poked gentle fun at 


~~ 49 


¥ 


Tf there is any shooting done, it will 


‘ane: salen oppeene new ential ae 
their way through crowds at the Labi 
‘urged the workers to remember that ‘ 
18 you thought you ran *he pron? a 
angry at the youths. 


Labor’s War Veteran s 


iy addition to this constant stre 
in the interests of quietness and ord 
300 unin men who had seen servi 
or navy were organized into Labor 
A. Rust, head of the Seattle Labor Tem 
an old and tried and rather conserv 
organized labor, was at the head. 

In an interview with the mayor I 
Mr. Rust was told that he could have h 
and given police authority if they wo1 
and be sworn in. He refused this su 

‘‘We think it will reassure the pub 
said, “‘that we have no guns. W 
keep order in our own ranks with 


“We Have No G 


Serawled across the blackboard a at ¢ t 
quarters of the War Veterans Guar : 


‘of any sort, but to use persuasion 
of, arguments about the strike and disco 
from them.’ 


by one of the volunteers: oy veld 
said, ‘‘and say: ‘Brother working 
your own good. We musn’t.have er 
used as an excuse to start any tro 
would answer : “You're right, brother, 
seatter.’ 

This was the method used in disp 
that gathered when the first unsucces 


"50 


uM € e, and then Hidpy 
ing eye and s saying ‘get out of | 


wine le f Shooting” ’ Star. 
yf 


the ‘ ‘ageravations’ * mentioned by Mr. Bridges - 
ding to pr disturbance, but which failed 


Seripps pee 2 aa ‘until the advent of the 


circulation by the time the strike occurred 
almost cut in two. 

ith the help of men who worked under the direct 
of international officers, the Star Pa en a 


a of the Labor Guard talked to the boy, ex- 
¢ what seabbing meant. The youth declared 
would stop if he could get back to the Star 
poperor the guard hailed a passing automo- 


“ith a cordon of ‘police drawn 1 up at both ends 
reet. ‘The papers were passed out by police 
ge aa Ena eeideice: districts In machines 


f Seattle. Tt has ath alluded to in spon- 
' A Permanent Gain. 

por War Veteran Guard was organized with 
quarters, each with a chairman and secretary 
for eicht- hour. shifts day and night. The 
large were in every instance exceptional ap- 
individuals, the kind one instinctively classes 
ers. of men.”’ The groups acting under them 


51 a 


eous cartoon and comment, as the ‘‘shooting Star.” _ 


ae 


were loyal labor men, most of whom could have’ re- 
ceived from $5 to $6 a day as special police, if they 
had acted under the police department imstead of vol- 
unteering their service for labor. But they believed 
- in the ‘“‘big idea’’ behind the Labor Fis * which one 
of them expressed thus: 

“Instead of a police force with clubs, we o neat de- 
partment of public safety, whose officers will under- 
stand human nature and use brains and not brawn in 
keeping order. The people want to obey the law, if 
you explain it to them reasonably,’’ 

The Labor War Veteran Guard co-operated with 
the police force and worked without friction with them. 
How long this would have lasted cannot be estimated, 
since, of course, the fundamental prmeiples underlying 
the two groups are dissimilar. 

The Labor Guard is to become a permanent organiza- 
tion in Seattle for the purpose of preserving order in 
labor’s own ranks, during strikes, parades, public aay 
ings and similar events. 


OUR OWN ACTIVITIES 


Some misunderstanding, intentional or otherwise, 
was caused by the interpretation given by the daily 
press to the editorial in the Union Record whieh spoke © 
of ‘‘opening up more and more activities under our own ~ 
management.’’ ‘This was held to presage a violent oyer- 
turning of government and a seizure by force of Pr ¥ 
erty in the city. 

As a matter of fact, without disturbance or disorder, 
more and more activitiés in Seattle have opened under 
the management of labor; and the move im this direc- 
tion seems to be only a beginning. A month after the 
strike, when this was written, union after union is 
talking co-operative stores of various kinds. 

These range from the simple desire to start a co- ~ 
operative workshop in which members of the same 
union shall. co-operate to produce,—to more elaborate 


schemes for enlisting groups of unions im starting a 


department store. The barbers umion is talkmg of a 
chain of co-operative barber shops. The jewelry work- 
ers have already opened a store on the Rochdale plan. 


52 


'h abitiers and p ober are carrying on a flour- 
shing grocery ae a 

The interest in “our own activities’? has been tre- 
sh mendously stimulated by the strike. Both money for 
NRA cor hae movements and money for patronage come 
Ff easily. The members of organized labor have had the 
_ experience of working together and they appear to 
» y mene more of it. 


Some of the unions, like the cooks, milk wagon driv- 
ee ers and laundry workers, have had experience during 
iF ‘the strike of co- -operation on a large scale. These par- 
 tieular: organizations are not announcing plans for co- 
oe operation at present, as their relations with their em- 
_ ployers are satisfactory. But it is evident from the 
tone of discussion that the rank and file in these or- 
t ganizations feel a new sense of power to organize and 
‘manage activities of their craft or industry. They are 

f ready to pet it when occasion comes. 


je ‘Co-operative Markets Stimulated. 


hg “The Co-operative Meat Market grew greatly during 
a strike. It had three shifts of men working to sup- 
ply the strikers’ kitchens. On the first Friday in Feb- 
‘ruary, during the strike, this concern did a cash busi- 
ness of $6,257, including over $3,000 worth of meat 
et bought by the strikers’ kitchens. The contrast of this 
with the first Friday in January, when the cash busi- 
ness was $2,126, or with the entire month of J anuary, 
when. the business was $37,000, shows the big gain dur- 
ing the period of the strike. 


How much of this gain will be permanent cannot be 
cee ola: Of course the strikers’ kitchens are no longer 
ry, supplied, but the inerease over the January sales, even 
 after‘the strike terminated, is still noticeable. Some of 
pr. this x no doubt would have come through natural expan- 
as 9 sion, but the strike called attention more quickly. 


x The Co-operative Grocery, (Rochdale plan) traces its 
Shade growth not only to the strike, but to a raid 
-eondueted on its office a week before the strike, during 


ene the books were seized. _ Before that time, a 


Rees times what | A hed tee before th 
Membership in the grocery organiz 
volves a $10 entrance fee, also inc 
‘during this period. Much interest s 
districts, and plans are now discussed for 
ber of branch stores. 
In Tacoma the interest’ in Rochde 
reached a ecliniax, resulting in the estab 
such stores in a period of two week Ba: 
time, ‘the Sheet Metal Workers’ II 
operative shor owned by their org: 
auto-mechanics laid plans and ‘raised 
_auto repair shop owued by the union 
ers and decorators are Bertin a simi 
way. ! 
The Pipe Trades Groce 


One of-the most enthusiastic dev 
General Strike was the profitless gro 
steamfitters and plumbers. It was s 
provisions to strikers at wholesale ¢ 
head cost of handling. Rent was 
the Union Record, striking steamfitt 


so ever since. 


Then the steamfitters went soit eV 
and sold ‘‘groecery tickets,”’ entitling the 
$5.00 worth of groceries. With the receip 
tickets, together with another $1, 500 ad 
the organization treasury, and $2, 100 P01 
ers, they had capital enough to buy : ou a 
ness on a prominent corner. 4) 


Already (a month after the ctriiee Hy rhe 
potatoes, eggs, butter, meats and milk di 
farmers, and expect before long to ap 
from the co-operative mill. They are ni} 
of $1,800 per day. ‘When the strike rf 
workers is over and the steamfitters anc 
baek to work, those who are retained 
store will be paid wages. The plan Is at 


54 


$8.00. a day to’everyone employed from the manager 
down, this being the wagé demanded by their trades. 


Striking Against Their Own Plants. 
“Undoubtedly the business of the various union- 


ge ee activities im Seattle would have received a 


larger boost, if it had not been for the policy pursued 
by the strikers of ‘‘striking against their own plants.”’ 


For when the eapitalistically controlled industries of 


Seattle were shut down, no discrimination was shown 
by the strikers; the union owned industries also took 


a vacation. 


The underlying reasons for this were many. Among 
them is the fact that the workers, striking as crafts, 


' were naturally in the position of employes, not own- 


ers, in each particular union-owned industry. To a 
janitor, the Labor Temple association was as much-of 
an “‘employer of labor’’ as was the City-County build- 
ing. 

_ But the main reason was that the vast majority of 
the workers, not contemplating revolution, knew that 
after the strike they would still have to do business in 
a business world. And the standards of fairness in 
that world demanded that they should not unfairly 
favor one of two competing concerns, if they hoped to 


deal satisfactorily with both again. 


There was even talk of closing down the Co-opera- 


tive Market, but the need of food prevailed over this 


idea. However, the Mutual Laundry shut down; the 
Labor Temple went without janitors, except for vol- 
unteers; and the Union Record stopped for a day and 


a half, 


This shut-down caused more protest.from the strik- 
ers than any other in the closing of industries. The 
Union Record was ‘‘their paper ;’’ many of them hoped 


to see it sweep the others from the streets as the only 


paper issued. The craving for news, for printed mat- 
ter of any kind connected with the strike, became very 
urgent. It was a need almost greater than that for 


food. 


‘The plant of the Union Reeord, under the dareeton 
of the Strike Committee with a volunteer force, pub- 
lished for free distribution a ‘‘Strike Bulletin,’’ a small 


55 


two-page sheet Wea ek advertisements, and with 6 
telegraph news service except such as bere directly Z 
on the strike. 

On the afternoon when it was given out, streets, sur- 
rounding the Union Record office were j ¢ with. a 
crowd of perhaps 5,000 people. Even the rts 
Labor Guard were insufficient to keep them away. 


' But the Strike Bulletin se.ved only to aggravate the 
desire for reading matter, and on Saturday, the third 
day of the wtnikee. after the Star had: disregarded the 
strike by sending papers out on wagons with armed 
police, and after. the Post-Intelligencer had managed 
to issue a four-page sheet which was given away at its 
own doors, the General Strike Committee directed the 
Union Record to start printing agam. At the same 
time, the General Strike Committee assumed full re- 
sponsibility for the fact that the paper had not been 
published. 


The grounds for closing down the Union Roswae are . 
given by its editor, KE. B. “Ault, and board of directors, 
as follows: 

‘*Since the strike was not revolutionary in intent, 
the conduct of the official organ of the Central Labor 
Council was a matter for careful consideration. ‘The 
printing trades on the other papers had been asked 
and were expected to strike in concert with all the 
other trades. After the purposes of the general strike 
had been served these members expected to go back to 
work in the offices: from which they had walked out, 
and the management of the Union Record felt that it 
would be unfair business practice to take igo Ts 
of their competitors by operating during the e, 
and also felt that it would make it much harder for the 
printing trades to return to their work with continued 
amicable relations with their employers. 

‘‘Then, too, news is as much a part of public seciaie 
as transpor tation, and since transportation was stopped 
news naturally should have been stopped in order that 
the community might know what labor solidarity 
really meant. The needs of the workers could be and 
were served by the issuance of a strike bulletin carry- 
ing all the essential developments of the day. 


56 


Le baa of the paper has increased tremendously 
> the strike, and by the further fact that the op- 


Ps unfairness on our part in conducting the strike.’ 


THE AFTERMATH. 
ms ‘There were no arrests during the strike for any mat- 


ers” liked to remark, ‘‘not even a fist- ficht. x 
Bat no sooner was the strike over than the county 
eae auth orities sent-out and arrested thirty-nine members 
__ of the Industrial Workers of the World, on the charge 
ey ibe bei *‘rine-leaders of anarchy.’’ ‘Some of these 
arrests were accomplished by raiding the I. W. W. 
_ headquarters, and then stationing a plain clothes man 
in the office of the secretary to arrest all members as 
- they came in to pay their dues. Most of the members 
were: soon released, only a few of the more prominent 
hss being held. 
ey The Socialist party headquarters was also raided and 
Foy, “the Socialist candidate for the city council arrested. 
‘The Equity Printing Flant, a co- -operative printing es- 
me tablishment, the stock of which is owned by various 
al “organizations. of workers and many individual work- 
'__ ers, was raided, its manager arrested--and the plant 
closed down. Later the plant was allowed to reopen, 
for eight hours daily, under the constant surveillance 
of policemen. The policemen opened the plant in the 
i s eaeatiaig, locked it up at night, and supervised its 
operation during the day. A marked falling off in 
ny Passos was stated to be the result. 
The cause given for all these arrests was the passing 
Neat of leaflets during the strike, which were alleged 
to have been prepared by I. W. W-s or radical Socialists 


Chief among these was a dodger entitled ‘‘Russia Did 


The arrested men had no connection with the Cen- 
tral Labor Council or with the General Strike. They 


Patan 7 


It, ” urging the workers to operate their own industries. 


" ters connected with the strike. There was, as the strik- ty 


~ 


and to have been printed at the Equity Printing Plant. - 


dlaimed, Kameiae that they were. a 
a desire of the authorities to prosec el 
account of the strike, and that they, | 

by vane union, were the easiest victims. 
Central Labor Couneil to come to their o 


pointed to investigate their ease, andr 
its opinion no one ‘of the leaflets on whi 

passed gave any evidence of anarchy 
poleany but were rather socialistic in th 


in the Equity Printing Plant, together 
of the chief of police that he did this 'b 
tired of what they were prirting ’? 
remark to a protesting committee 
committees eame to see him he woul 
plant entirely. 
Declaring that an ‘invasion of fi 
had taken place,’’ through unlawful 
they announced that ‘“fundamental 
by favor, and when they are denied 
denied to all.’’ ; ; 
While expressing their opposition f 
-as a dual organization, and urging work r 
in thé interests of solidarity, to join t 
movement, they yet recognized the existene 
case, of ‘‘one common enemy.’ nat i 
Their recommendation was adopted by a 
unanimous vote: ‘‘That the Central - 


that the fundam ntal rights involved 
which are necessary to our own existene 
served.’’ ‘ 

There the cases stand at present (Me 
several workers, presumably members of 
arrested on the charge of criminal anare 
tion with the strike, and the Central L 
coming to their defense because rik 
are involved. Hs 


WON OR LOST? 


From coast to coast the newspapers dec 
58 x 


He General Strike in Seattle was lost. The Seattle news- 
‘papers announced the same fact, declared that the 


- workers were creeping back to work downeast, that! 


they had lost their strike. The press then proceeded 

to offer them many bits of advice and admonition, 
ehiefiy that they must “‘clean house’’ at once, and get 
rid of their radical leaders. 

But strange to say, except for an occasional note of 
regret, the workers of Seattle did not go back to work 
with the feeling that they had been beaten. They went 
smiling, like men who had gained something worth 
gaining, hke men who had done a big job and done it 
well. The men went back, feeling that they had won 
the strike; although as yet, there was: no sign from 
Washington that Piez would relent On! a/single point. 

‘They went back laughin@ at. tlie suggestion that they 

‘“‘¢lean house of their radical leaders who’ had tried to 
aks a Bolsheviki revolution.’’? They knew quite well 

that these same leaders were jthes mer, who had ‘coun- 
 selled caution and moderation, who had urgéd them 
to fix a time limit, and:had later urg¢d_a return before 
the individual unions ‘should start back, one at. a time. 
They knew that these ‘‘radieal leaders”? wére’ really 
more conservative than the voting rank and file that 
goes to meetings; and they were amused at the. at- 
tempts of the press to make them believe otherwise. 
They had chosen the strike themselves, and it had been 
a great experience. 

Hardly a word of regret was heard from the men 
who had lost five days’ pay for a cause. It was the 
men whose business had been hurt, the men who had 
expected riot and found none, who told Mier they had 
**failed.’’ 

So it is worth considering for a moment 6 what ex- 
tent the Seattle General Strike was won—or lost? 


What Was the Strike For? 


| What did the workers expect to gain? What were 
they striking for? 

It is easy after we have once had an experience to 
analyze the complex motives that went into it. But 
reasoning and analysis cannot take place before there 
is an experience to learn from. There had never been 


by) 


i Hh \ 
a General Strike in this country. None of Seattle’s 
workers had ever lived through one. 

So it is not surprising that we should. be able now 


to see the fact that many varied motives and reasons 


entered into the Seattle General Strike, and that we 
had not had the experience at the time to state fo our- 
selves very clearly just what we wanted or expected. 

Some were striking to gain a definite wage inerease 
for their brother workers in the shipyards. Some few, 
a very few, were striking because they thought ““The 
Revolution’’ was about to arrive. But the vast major- 
ity were striking ‘‘just for sympathy,’’ just as a show 
of solidarity. The extent to which they were also 
moved, half.conscidusly,\ hy the various forms of labor’s 
upheaval going‘ on ‘throughout the world, cannot. be 
estimated. Conkeiousiyy perhaps, not very much; but 
unconsciously and instinctively, a great deal. oe 
and upheavals were in the air. 


/\ For a\ Definite Gain? 


Those who struck: for a definite aim—the raise of 


the wages in the shipyard, did not gain their aim. It 
is true that men were hurrying here from Washing- 
ton, D. C., to:look into matters. It is true that some 
gain may in the end be influenced by the strike. But 
the sympathetic strikers went back to work with Piez 
still interfering in the local situation. 

Possibly one of the reasons why they did not gam 
a definite end was that no end was stated quite definite- 
ly and simple enough. And perhaps one lesson’ that 
other cities may learn from the experience of Seattle 
is this: ‘‘If you are striking for a definite aim, and 
refusing to come back until you have Bained it, make 
your aim so clear and simple that everyone in the city 
will know the one man on whom to bring pressure, and 
what one act to demand of him.’ 


Tf the strikers had said: ‘‘We aré remaining out ~ 
until Mr. Piez definitely and publicly states that he 


will leave Seattle employers and employes alone to 
bargain together over their own aftairs,’’—if they had 


asked anything so simple as that it is quite possible 


that the worried business men and the general publie 


of Seattle would have been led to concentrate their ~ 


60 


f 


are asking—a raise in wages in the 

{ something which either Mr. Piez 
the Seattle shipyard owners alone, or the 
Chamber of Commerce alone “eould give them. 
omething ‘that demanded joint action ‘by several 
+ e. 


nsequently the persons i in the community who 


being noyed and punished for something which was 
their ult and about which they had the power to 
10% This fact undoubtedly accentuated the 

g of bewildered bitterness in the business world. 

j , could see no constructive plan in the strike. 

tur rally jumped to thoughts of revolution and 


. For Revolution? 
workers, of whom there were probably few, 


tle, were also doomed to Cae pr ae 


believed that the revolution was at hand. 
ef as there was occurred in isolated eases in 
c and file and was expressed by the disappointed 
_ ery of the boy in the Newsboys’ Union: va 
we were going to get the industries.’ 

men who had been longer in Seattle’s labor 
mt, even those among them who look forward 
revolution’’ ultimately, were quite certain that 
not Maeiiyh 2 now. They knew that it was not 


_the workers of Seattle feel: _themselves, be- 


itil he gaye in to this definite 
effects of the general strike had no immedi- 


or their grievance. They felt that they were 


ght “‘the social revolution’’ was ready to start” 


t, while no revolution occurred and none was 


% the alan ee the osecrat 


. 


“stand the way in whieh events are 0 


\ the business group, ened their old 


lack of violence which we noticed 


authority of the strike committee 


ing in Belfast, and draws comparis¢ 
general strike. ‘They are singula: 
Quiet mass action, the tying up of 
ing of exemptions, until gradually 1 


of the: city are being handled by the stril 
‘‘Apparently in all cases there is t 


comes, not ,with- the shifting of p 
‘country revolutionaries’ try to reg 
inevitably and almost-without their 
from their grasp. Violence would ha 
if it had come, not from the worker 
by armed opponents of the strike 


bers. met 
“We had no violence in Seattle al 
That fact should prove that neither #1 
tee nor the rank aud file of the wo 
revolution. rs 4 
“But our experience, meanthine) 


communities all over the world, whe 
not being called off, slips gradually mto © 
of more and more affairs by the a cor 


into the general strike—the reason 4 
plest and the most important. The 
struck to express solidarity. And they 
yond their expectations. Ae 
They saw the labor movement come 
one man and tie up the industries of the 
saw the J apanese and the I. W. W.s and 
ual workers join in the strike, and they 
a glow of appreciation. They saw 
and ey wagons boing ny the : 


They came close for the first 
e problem of management.’’ 


é ead that the Abo movement of Seattle was 
1 = strong.’ For they were quite aware that 


it is why they went back fou the ‘‘glorious 
”? feeling that they had won.. Not perhaps ex- 
the things they set out to win, but something 


"4 Srerit, whether this be the explanation or not, 
remains that the workers went back» most of 
not feeling defeated, but feeling quite reason- 
cessful, glad they had struck, equally glad to 
off, and especially glad to think that their ex- 
would now be of use to the entire labor move- 
the country as it makes its plans for the 
general strike, by giving the necessary infor- 


net them. 
for the giving of this deel lene adda ato 


that both its successes and its mistakes will be 


‘ial Gm! 


1 of just what happens in a community when a— 
l1 strike occurs, what problems arise, and how one 


jon, the labor movemert of Seattle rejoices to 


Form 335. 25M—7-38—S 
news Irom a Fresh vase int. = 


All thie -will he deliveiod io youre 
except Sunday for the smz2'l sum 
month, one-half of which goes to. 
who makes the delivery. 


Call us at Elliott 4471 or address 6 | 
Seattle, Wash. — 


wut 


331.892 $4418 P71546 
Seattle,_General Strike Com,_ 
— Seattle GeneraliStrike—— 


ISSUED TO 


